Clearing the Wreckage: What I Wrote a Few Days Ago About the Italian Primary Elections, Before All Hell Broke Loose
Archival: I begin these new posts with an outdated essay, something I wrote just a week ago on December 2, but it seems like months. The Italian Democratic Partyprimaries had just ended with Pier Luigi Bersani's anticipated victory over Matteo Renzi. After following the rise of Nichi Vendola for a year or so, my interest intensified after his first round elimination because he seemed poised to exert considerable influence on what followed. That is still true, as further posts will show. So I wrote about Bersani, Renzi, and Vendola, not knowing that within days Berlusconi would return from the grave, Monti would resign, the Center would not hold, Berlusconi would change his mind about running, again and again, and Monti would play Hamlet, as they say, about his own political intentions. All that since last Friday, and Barenboim at La Scala and Napolitano at the Quirinale, and all eyes suddenly on the Italian election, shaping up a little sooner than anyone imagined.
So I reprint this article, still largely correct, I think, in its expectation of a Bersani-Monti face-off that may define the orientation of Europe. And in its attention to Vendola whose ideas of ecological and social justice reach an ever larger stage, and may tip the election one way or another. After posting this article overrun by events, I'll turn to the daily catch of news and comment.
Clearing the Wreckage: A Fresh Start for Italy’s Troubled
Politics? [3-5/12/2012]
The Italian Democratic Party
primaries, in two rounds on November 25 and December 2, drew a surprising turnout
of three million voters in this land of dysfunctional politics and disenchanted
voters. To no one’s surprise Pier Luigi Bersani, the party’s veteran secretary,
emerged victorious. But Bersani’s nomination to lead the center-left into next
spring’s national election is a small part of the drama of an election cycle
that witnessed the emergence of an odd couple of younger challengers,
apocalyptic weather, and a constitutional dog-fight between the current premier
Mario Monti and the Italian judiciary over the fate of Europe’s largest steel
mill. At the bottom of this strange brew astute readers of European tea leaves
may discern the precarious fate of Europe’s Left as the EU totters through an
endless series of crises.
“The Wrecker”
By most measures the star of the
primaries themselves was the 37-year-old mayor of Florence, Matteo Renzi.
Explicitly channeling Barack Obama’s improbable 2008 nomination campaign, Renzi
emerged as a national figure while crisscrossing the peninsula in a camper
placarded in red-white-and-blue with his vapid slogan “Adesso!” (“Now!”)
Handsome and athletic, Renzi was dubbed
“il Rottamatore” (“the Wrecker”) by Italy’s sensationalist press as he
repeatedly insisted that the older generation of Italian politicians should be
hauled off to the junkyard. In the final round Renzi’s campaign of “rottamazione”
fell short as Bersani won 61% to Renzi’s 39%, but Renzi’s glib, post-political
centrism, all sizzle with little at stake, left its mark on Italy’s general
election voters, who say they prefer him to Bersani by nearly ten points.
Meanwhile one of Italy’s least likely political figures,
Nichi Vendola, governor of Puglia in the southeast corner of the country and
leader of the affiliated Left Ecology Freedom party, lost in the first round of
the primaries with 16% of the vote but may still win the war for the soul of
the center-left. Like Bersani, Vendola grew up in the Italian Communist Party,
and like him he moved toward the center when the Party collapsed in the early
1990s. Unlike Bersani, though, Vendola is quick to claim “communist culture” as
his own along with his devout Catholicism; he likes to cite the reformist
cardinal Carlo Maria Martini of Milan along with Communist Party founder Antonio
Gramsci as his twin mentors. Vendola is also Italy’s first prominent openly gay
politician, immensely popular in a region known for its macho mores, and an uncompromising
environmentalist in a nation desperate for jobs. Against all odds he has twice
been elected to Puglia’s top job.
One of Vendola’s most dogged
concerns is to bring environmental justice to Puglia, home to the massively
polluting Ilva steel mill. Immediately after his first election in 2005 Vendola
began painstakingly documenting the emission of dioxins and benzopyrene that
were causing notably elevated rates of cancer around the plant’s home base in
the city of Taranto. Those efforts were undermined at the national level as the
well-connected owners, the super-rich Riva family, found a protector in Italy’s
notoriously corrupt premier, the “Cavalier” Silvio Berlusconi. Finally last
July, after Berlusconi was sidelined in favor of the technocratic government of
Mario Monti, a court in Puglia ordered the plant to be closed until it could
comply with environmental regulations. Nearly twelve thousand direct jobs, and
many more secondary ones, were thrown into the balance against the health and
safety of Taranto’s residents.
Lightning Strikes—Twice
In November, just as the primary
election was heating up, the Monti government moved to vacate the court order
in order to keep Ilva’s workers on the job. Taranto’s streets were filled with
workers marching for their jobs, but also demanding that the company be held
accountable for the billions needed to clean up the plant and the region.
Vendola hinted that nationalization might be the answer, just as France’s
Socialist government was threatening to take ownership of its own floundering
ArcelorMittal steel mill.
Then on November 28, just after
Bersani and Renzi ran one-two in the first round of the primaries, a tornado
blew up in the gulf of Taranto, and the Ilva plant was struck by lightning. A
smokestack was shattered while floodwaters threatened the city. Though neither
flood nor fire developed into the full-blown catastrophe many feared, Taranto
was seized with the drama of a 29-year-old crane operator, Francesco Zaccaria,
who was blown into the water and drowned, his body irretrievable for several
days. Suddenly the threat of impending ecological disaster had a name and a
face, and Vendola’s environmental politics began to look more inevitable than
extreme.
Monti’s government nonetheless
issued its promised decree on November 30 authorizing the plant to resume
production. Environmental Minister Corrado Clini insisted that the plant had
already been substantially modernized, and was on an acceptable path toward
compliance with EU rules. Premier Monti declared that the Italian economy
couldn’t withstand the loss of jobs, not just in Taranto but in a number of other
factory towns that process the Ilva steel. Patrizia Todisco, the magistrate who
had issued the stop-work order back in July, stood her ground, backed by the
higher courts. She also has the full support of Vendola, who called Monti’s decree
a “slap in the face of Taranto.” As of this writing it remains unclear how this
constitutional standoff will be resolved.
Whither Europa?
Many uncertainties hang over the
Italian national election, including the date. Will it be March? April? The
ever-dysfunctional Italian Parliament has been unable to decide. More
substantively, it has yet to resolve whether to leave in place the “Porcellum”
(a neologism for “dirty tricks,” with overtones of piggishness), an electoral
system whereby the leading party gets a disproportionate premium of seats to
give it ballast. On the parliament’s decision hinges much strategic planning
about electoral alliances as Italy’s dozen or more parties gear up to compete.
Equally unclear is whether the 76-year-old Cavalier Berlusconi, still endowed
with a core of admirers, vast personal wealth, and media ownership, will return
to the hustings despite a corruption conviction, numerous outstanding indictments,
and a string of retirement announcements. In spite of the best efforts of
earnest straight-arrows like Vendola, Bersani and Monti, Italian politics still
retains much of its opera buffa
character. Witness the persistent popularity of anti-politician and stand-up comic
Beppe Grillo, who may be Italy’s most popular national figure and whose Cinque Stelle
movement—Italy’s version of a ‘Pirate Party’— could render any future
parliament ungovernable.
A more serious unknown are the
intentions of Mario Monti, a formidable figure whose austerity policies have
made him more feared than loved, but have gained him grudging respect even from
Bersani’s Democrats. When Monti launched his unelected government of
technocrats last November, it was understood that in return for bipartisan
support he would stand down … when the time came. He was in fact made a senator
for life, a position that in the judgment of head of state Giorgio Napolitano
makes him ineligible to run for premier. But that was then, and now Monti has begun
to hint that il Paese may need him to
serve another term after all. Napolitano’s ruling came with a wink: Monti can’t
run for the office, but he can confer
with whomever he likes, as Napolitano broadly suggested, and if the
center-right parties win a majority and designate him their choice for prime
minister, he would be free to serve. So
Monti’s path is slightly circuitous, but he can’t be ruled out, and may turn
out to be the front-running non-candidate.
Such is the enormously complicated
field of play on which Bersani, nomination in hand, sets out in search of a
governing majority. In its unpredictable, disorderly, and multi-faceted
splendor it is a quintessentially Italian configuration. And yet the future of
the European Union, so delicately poised between collapse and consolidation,
may well hang on what happens in these elections.
Bersani’s first move is to placate Renzi’s
more centrist following, and his victory speech included a promise to open up
the party to “the young.” Indeed, the Florentine mayor has already made
conciliatory gestures in support of Bersani. The Democrats will need to reach
even further to the center, perhaps drawing on the Christian Democrats of Pier Ferdinando
Casini, or the republican Italian Values party led by star anti-corruption
prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro. But through all these efforts at
coalition-building Bersani has suggested that he will insist on the frankly
leftist social values he shares with Vendola: first of all, a tempering of Monti’s
austerity policies to promote employment and growth; secondly, greater emphasis
on sustainable economic strategies and renewable energy; and not least, full support
for women’s equality and gay marriage.
Just as Candidate Bersani must walk
a fine line to draw support from the center while keeping faith with Vendola on
his left, a Bersani government would have to find a way to implement its social
policies without displeasing the bond markets. Monti has renewed the faith of
those markets, as declining rates bring cheers to the lips of business
investors and financiers. While Bersani and Vendola are both strong supporters
of the European idea, they are no friends of the austere consensus around
Angela Merkel, the FANGs (Finland, Austria, Netherlands, and Germany), and the
European Central Bank.
Could a Premier Bersani become the
leader of a different Europe, the ‘social’ one European leftists have put on
hold for twenty years? It is worth recalling that the charismatic pragmatism of
Matteo Renzi, so strongly reminiscent of Tony Blair, failed to win him the
nomination but showed signs of a much broader popularity across Italy beyond
the precincts of the Democratic Party. In one symptomatic maneuver Renzi
declared himself ready to follow the US lead by opposing the UN’s recognition
of Palestine in a vote that took place on the same day as the final
Bersani-Renzi debate. Bersani, on the other hand, proposed to join his
neighbors across southern Europe in supporting the Palestinian request. Might
that position—admittedly on an issue of secondary importance to most
Italians—prefigure a broader alliance with the ‘southern tier’ of EU neighbors
including Greece, Portugal, and Spain, but perhaps Socialist France as well?
Of all the possible outcomes of the
Italian election, that might be the most surprising one of all. Can Pier Luigi Bersani,
a plainspoken party functionary better known for his contorted metaphors than
for soaring rhetoric, rise to the task of leading Europe back to its social
democratic legacy? Can this modestly educated son of a village auto mechanic
outmaneuver the powerful bankers in Frankfurt and reorient the EU’s priorities
to favor workers’ rights, growth, and full employment? Can he gather a ‘United
States of Europe’ around that vision?
It may be a long shot, but building a stable, progressive Italian
government on the ruins of Berlusconi’s failed state would be excellent
preparation.
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